Below you find:
- Statement on the disengagement plan by the President of the United
States of America, George W. Bush.
- Letter from US President George W. Bush to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
on the disengagement plan.
- Letter from Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to US President George W. Bush
with an explanation of the disengagement plan.
- Prime Minister Sharon's plan for unilateral disengagement.
- Dutch translation of the letter of the president (Nederlandse vertaling van de
brief van de Amerikaanse president aan de Israelische premier over het
terugtrekkings-plan van Ariel Sharon).
April 14, 2004.
Statement on the disengagement plan by the President of the United
States of America, George W. Bush.
I remain hopeful and determined to find a way forward toward a resolution of
the Israeli-Palestinian dispute.
The Israeli Plan:
I welcome the disengagement plan prepared by the Government of Israel, under
which Israel would withdraw certain military installations and all settlements
from Gaza, and withdraw certain military installations and settlements in the
West Bank. These steps will mark real progress toward realizing the vision I set
forth in June 2002 of two states living side by side in peace and security, and
make a real contribution toward peace.
I am hopeful that steps pursuant to this plan, consistent with this vision, will
remind all states and parties of their own obligations under the roadmap.
The Path to Peace:
I believe certain principles, which are very widely accepted in the international
community, show us the path forward: The right of self defense and the need
to fight terrorism are equally matters of international agreement.
The two-state vision and the roadmap for peace designed to implement
it, command nearly universal support as the best means of achieving a
permanent peace and an end to the Israeli occupation that began in 1967.
United Nations Security Council resolutions have repeatedly spoken of the
desirability of establishing two independent states, Israel and Palestine, living
side by side within secure and recognized borders.
Having these principles in mind, the United States is able to make the following
comments.
Peace Plans:
The United States remains committed to the vision of two states living side by
side in peace and security, and its implementation as described in the roadmap.
The United States will do its utmost to prevent any attempt by anyone to
impose any other plan.
Security:
There will be no security for Israelis or Palestinians until they and all states, in
the region and beyond, join together to fight terrorism and dismantle terrorist
organizations.
The United States reiterates its steadfast commitment to Israel's
security, including secure, defensible borders, and to preserve and strengthen
Israel's capability to deter and defend itself, by itself, against any threat or
possible combination of threats. The United States will join with others in the
international community to strengthen the capacity and will of Palestinian
security forces to fight terrorism and dismantle terrorist capabilities and
infrastructure.
Terrorism:
Israel will retain its right to defend itself against terrorism, including to take
actions against terrorist organizations.
The United States will lead efforts, working together with Jordan, Egypt,
and others in the international community, to build the capacity and will of
Palestinian institutions to fight terrorism, dismantle terrorist organizations, and
prevent the areas from which Israel has withdrawn from posing a threat that
would have to be addressed by any other means.
The United States understands that after Israel withdraws from Gaza
and/or parts of the West Bank, and pending agreements on other arrangements,
existing arrangements regarding control of airspace, territorial waters, and land
passages of the West Bank and Gaza will continue.
The Two-State Solution:
The United States remains committed to the two-state solution for peace in the
Middle East as set forth in June 2002, and to the roadmap as the best path to
realize that vision.
The goal of two independent states has repeatedly been recognized in
international resolutions and agreements, and it remains a key to resolving this
conflict.
The United States is strongly committed to Israel's security and well-being as a
Jewish state. It seems clear that an agreed, just, fair and realistic framework for
a solution to the Palestinian refugee issue as part of any final status agreement
will need to be found through the establishment of a Palestinian state, and the
settling of Palestinian refugees there, rather than in Israel.
As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and recognized
borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the parties in
accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338.
In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli
populations centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status
negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949,
and all previous efforts to negotiate a two-state solution have reached the same
conclusion. It is realistic to expect that any final status agreement will only be
achieved on the basis of mutually agreed changes that reflect these realities.
Palestinian Statehood:
The United States supports the establishment of a Palestinian state that is
viable, contiguous, sovereign, and independent, so that the Palestinian people
can build their own future in accordance with the vision I set forth in June
2002 and with the path set forth in the roadmap.
The United States will join with others in the international community to
foster the development of democratic political institutions and new leadership
committed to those institutions, the reconstruction of civic institutions, the
growth of a free and prosperous economy, and the building of capable security
institutions dedicated to maintaining law and order and dismantling terrorist
organizations.
Palestinian Obligations:
Under the roadmap, Palestinians must undertake an immediate cessation of
armed activity and all acts of violence against Israelis anywhere, and all official
Palestinian institutions must end incitement against Israel.
The Palestinian leadership must act decisively against terror, including
sustained, targeted, and effective operations to stop terrorism and dismantle
terrorist capabilities and infrastructure. Palestinians must undertake a
comprehensive and fundamental political reform that includes a strong
parliamentary democracy and an empowered prime minister.
Israeli Obligations:
The Government of Israel is committed to take additional steps on the West
Bank, including progress toward a freeze on settlement activity, removing
unauthorized outposts, and improving the humanitarian situation by easing
restrictions on the movement of Palestinians not engaged in terrorist activities.
As the Government of Israel has stated, the barrier being erected by Israel
should be a security rather than political barrier, should be temporary rather
than permanent, and therefore not prejudice any final status issues including
final borders, and its route should take into account, consistent with security
needs, its impact on Palestinians not engaged in terrorist activities.
Regional Cooperation:
A peace settlement negotiated between Israelis and Palestinians would be a
great boon not only to those peoples but to the peoples of the entire region.
Accordingly, all states in the region have special responsibilities: to support the
building of the institutions of a Palestinian state; to fight terrorism, and cut off
all forms of assistance to individuals and groups engaged in terrorism; and to
begin now to move toward more normal relations with the State of Israel. These
actions would be true contributions to building peace in the region.
Letter from US President George W. Bush to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
Dear Mr. Prime Minister,
Thank you for your letter setting out your disengagement plan.
The United States remains hopeful and determined to find a way forward
toward a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. I remain committed to my
June 24, 2002 vision of two states living side by side in peace and security as
the key to peace, and to the roadmap as the route to get there.
We welcome the disengagement plan you have prepared, under which Israel
would withdraw certain military installations and all settlements from Gaza, and
withdraw certain military installations and settlements in the West Bank. These
steps described in the plan will mark real progress toward realizing my June 24,
2002 vision, and make a real contribution towards peace.
We also understand that, in this context, Israel believes it is important to
bring new opportunities to the Negev and the Galilee. We are hopeful that steps
pursuant to this plan, consistent with my vision, will remind all states and
parties of their own obligations under the roadmap.
The United States appreciates the risks such an undertaking represents. I
therefore want to reassure you on several points.
First, the United States remains committed to my vision and to its
implementation as described in the roadmap. The United States will do its
utmost to prevent any attempt by anyone to impose any other plan. Under the
roadmap, Palestinians must undertake an immediate cessation of armed activity
and all acts of violence against Israelis anywhere, and all official Palestinian
institutions must end incitement against Israel.
The Palestinian leadership must act decisively against terror, including
sustained, targeted, and effective operations to stop terrorism and dismantle
terrorist capabilities and infrastructure. Palestinians must undertake a
comprehensive and fundamental political reform that includes a strong
parliamentary democracy and an empowered prime minister.
Second, there will be no security for Israelis or Palestinians until they and all
states, in the region and beyond, join together to fight terrorism and dismantle
terrorist organizations. The United States reiterates its steadfast commitment to
Israel's security, including secure, defensible borders, and to preserve and
strengthen Israel's capability to deter and defend itself, by itself, against any
threat or possible combination of threats.
Third, Israel will retain its right to defend itself against terrorism, including to
take actions against terrorist organizations.
The United States will lead efforts, working together with Jordan, Egypt,
and others in the international community, to build the capacity and will of
Palestinian institutions to fight terrorism, dismantle terrorist organizations, and
prevent the areas from which Israel has withdrawn from posing a threat that
would have to be addressed by any other means. The United States
understands that after Israel withdraws from Gaza and/or parts of the West
Bank, and pending agreements on other arrangements, existing arrangements
regarding control of airspace, territorial waters, and land passages of the West
Bank and Gaza will continue.
The United States is strongly committed to Israel's security and well-being as a
Jewish state. It seems clear that an agreed, just, fair and realistic framework for
a solution to the Palestinian refugee issue as part of any final status agreement
will need to be found through the establishment of a Palestinian state, and the
settling of Palestinian refugees there, rather than in Israel.
As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and recognized
borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the parties in
accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338.
In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major
Israeli populations centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final
status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of
1949, and all previous efforts to negotiate a two-state solution have reached
the same conclusion. It is realistic to expect that any final status agreement will
only be achieved on the basis of mutually agreed changes that reflect these
realities.
I know that, as you state in your letter, you are aware that certain
responsibilities face the State of Israel. Among these, your government has
stated that the barrier being erected by Israel should be a security rather than
political barrier, should be temporary rather than permanent, and therefore not
prejudice any final status issues including final borders, and its route should
take into account, consistent with security needs, its impact on Palestinians not
engaged in terrorist activities.
As you know, the United States supports the establishment of a Palestinian
state that is viable, contiguous, sovereign, and independent, so that the
Palestinian people can build their own future in accordance with my vision set
forth in June 2002 and with the path set forth in the roadmap.
The United States will join with others in the international community to
foster the development of democratic political institutions and new leadership
committed to those institutions, the reconstruction of civic institutions, the
growth of a free and prosperous economy, and the building of capable security
institutions dedicated to maintaining law and order and dismantling terrorist
organizations.
A peace settlement negotiated between Israelis and Palestinians would be a
great boon not only to those peoples but to the peoples of the entire region.
Accordingly, the United States believes that all states in the region have
special responsibilities: to support the building of the institutions of a Palestinian
state; to fight terrorism, and cut off all forms of assistance to individuals and
groups engaged in terrorism; and to begin now to move toward more normal
relations with the State of Israel. These actions would be true contributions to
building peace in the region.
Mr. Prime Minister, you have described a bold and historic initiative that can
make an important contribution to peace. I commend your efforts and your
courageous decision which I support. As a close friend and ally, the United
States intends to work closely with you to help make it a success.
Letter from Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to US President George W. Bush
Dear Mr. President,
The vision that you articulated in your 24 June 2002 address constitutes one of
the most significant contributions toward ensuring a bright future for the Middle
East. Accordingly, the State of Israel has accepted the Roadmap, as adopted by
our government.
For the first time, a practical and just formula was presented for the
achievement of peace, opening a genuine window of opportunity for progress
toward a settlement between Israel and the Palestinians, involving two states
living side-by-side in peace and security.
This formula sets forth the correct sequence and principles for the attainment of
peace. Its full implementation represents the sole means to make genuine
progress. As you have stated, a Palestinian state will never be created by
terror, and Palestinians must engage in a sustained fight against the terrorists
and dismantle their infrastructure.
Moreover, there must be serious efforts to institute true reform and real
democracy and liberty, including new leaders not compromised by terror. We
are committed to this formula as the only avenue through which an agreement
can be reached. We believe that this formula is the only viable one.
The Palestinian Authority under its current leadership has taken no action to
meet its responsibilities under the Roadmap. Terror has not ceased, reform of
the Palestinian security services has not been undertaken, and real institutional
reforms have not taken place. The State of Israel continues to pay the heavy
cost of constant terror. Israel must preserve its capability to protect itself and
deter its enemies, and we thus retain our right to defend ourselves against
terrorism and to take actions against terrorist organizations.
Having reached the conclusion that, for the time being, there exists no
Palestinian partner with whom to advance peacefully toward a settlement and
since the current impasse is unhelpful to the achievement of our shared goals, I
have decided to initiate a process of gradual disengagement with the hope of
reducing friction between Israelis and Palestinians.
The Disengagement Plan is designed to improve security for Israel and
stabilize our political and economic situation. It will enable us to deploy our
forces more effectively until such time that conditions in the Palestinian
Authority allow for the full implementation of the Roadmap to resume.
I attach, for your review, the main principles of the Disengagement Plan. This
initiative, which we are not undertaking under the roadmap, represents an
independent Israeli plan, yet is not inconsistent with the roadmap. According to
this plan, the State of Israel intends to relocate military installations and all
Israeli villages and towns in the Gaza Strip, as well as other military installations
and a small number of villages in Samaria.
In this context, we also plan to accelerate construction of the Security Fence,
whose completion is essential in order to ensure the security of the citizens of
Israel. The fence is a security rather than political barrier, temporary rather than
permanent, and therefore will not prejudice any final status issues including
final borders. The route of the Fence, as approved by our Government’s
decisions, will take into account, consistent with security needs, its impact on
Palestinians not engaged in terrorist activities.
Upon my return from Washington, I expect to submit this Plan for the approval
of the Cabinet and the Knesset, and I firmly believe that it will win such
approval.
The Disengagement Plan will create a new and better reality for the State of
Israel, enhance its security and economy, and strengthen the fortitude of its
people. In this context, I believe it is important to bring new opportunities to the
Negev and the Galilee.
Additionally, the Plan will entail a series of measures with the inherent
potential to improve the lot of the Palestinian Authority, providing that it
demonstrates the wisdom to take advantage of this opportunity. The execution
of the Disengagement Plan holds the prospect of stimulating positive changes
within the Palestinian Authority that might create the necessary conditions for
the resumption of direct negotiations.
We view the achievement of a settlement between Israel and the Palestinians
as our central focus and are committed to realizing this objective. Progress
toward this goal must be anchored exclusively in the Roadmap and we will
oppose any other plan.
In this regard, we are fully aware of the responsibilities facing the State of
Israel. These include limitations on the growth of settlements; removal of
unauthorized outposts; and steps to increase, to the extent permitted by
security needs, freedom of movement for Palestinians not engaged in terrorism.
Under separate cover we are sending to you a full description of the steps the
State of Israel is taking to meet all its responsibilities.
The government of Israel supports the United States efforts to reform the
Palestinian security services to meet their roadmap obligations to fight terror.
Israel also supports the American's efforts, working with the International
Community, to promote the reform process, build institutions and improve the
economy of the Palestinian Authority and to enhance the welfare of its people,
in the hope that a new Palestinian leadership will prove able to fulfill its
obligations under the roadmap.
I want to again express my appreciation for your courageous leadership in the
war against global terror, your important initiative to revitalize the Middle East
as a more fitting home for its people and, primarily, your personal friendship
and profound support for the State of Israel.
Prime Minister Sharon's plan for unilateral disengagement
Israel is committed to the peace process and is aiming to reach a negotiated
agreement on the basis of two states for two peoples: the State of Israel as a
Jewish state and a Palestinian state for the Palestinian people. This is in
keeping with President Bush's vision for a two state solution.
Israel believes that it must act to improve the current reality. Israel has come to
the realization that at present there is no Palestinian partner with whom to
proceed along a bilateral peace process. In this light, a unilateral plan of
disengagement has been prepared with the following considerations in mind:
A. The current situation is untenable. In order to move beyond the current
situation, it is incumbent on Israel to proceed along a path not reliant on
Palestinian cooperation.
B. The disengagement plan will lead to an improved security reality, in the long
term at least.
C. In any future final status arrangement ,there will be no Israeli settlement
activity in the Gaza Strip. On the other hand, it is clear that there will be areas
in Judea and Samaria that will be part of the State of Israel, and there will be
civilian communities, security zones and other places in which Israel has further
interest inside those areas.
D. The withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and from an area in northern Samaria
(four settlements and military installations in their vicinity) will diminish the
friction with the Palestinian population and has the potential to improve the
living conditions of the Palestinians living there and the Palestinian economy.
E. Israel hopes that the Palestinians will succeed in taking advantage of the
disengagement process in order to break out of the cycle of violence and
reenter a process of dialogue.
F. The disengagement process will negate the force of the arguments regarding
Israel's responsibility for the residents of the Gaza Strip.
G. The disengagement process does not detract from the existing agreements
between Israel and the Palestinians. The relevant existing agreements will
continue to be in effect. At the time when there is visible evidence of a
readiness, ability and implementation on the Palestinian side of fighting
terrorism and the implementation of reforms on the basis of the road map peace
plan, it will be possible to return to the path of negotiations and dialogue.
2. Main points of the plan
A. The Gaza Strip
1. Israel will withdraw from the Gaza Strip, including all the existing Israeli
settlements, and will redeploy in territory outside of the Strip. The withdrawal
excludes a military presence in the area along the border area between the Gaza
Strip and Egypt called 'The Philadelphia Corridor' as will be detailed later.
2. Once the process is complete, there will be no permanent land-based Israeli
military or civilian presence in the Gaza Strip.
3. A fact emanating from this move will be the lack of a basis to the claim that
the Gaza Strip is occupied territory.
B. Judea and Samaria
1. Israel will withdraw from an area in northern Samaria (Ganim, Kadim,
Homesh and Sanur) and all permanent military installations in this area, and will
redeploy outside this area.
2. Once the process is complete, there will be no permanent Israeli military or
civilian presence in northern Samaria.
3. The process will allow for a continuous Palestinian territory in the area of
northern Samaria.
4. Israel will improve the transportation infrastructure in Judea and Samaria
with an eye to allow continuous Palestinian transportation in Judea and
Samaria.
5. The process will ease Palestinian economic and commercial activity in Judea
and Samaria.
C. The Security Fence
Israel will continue building the Security Fence in accordance with the decisions
of the government. The route of the Security Fence will take humanitarian
concerns into consideration.
3. The security reality following the withdrawal
A. The Gaza Strip
1. Israel will supervise and secure the outer envelope of the geographical land
mass, will exclusively control the airspace of the Gaza Strip, and will continue
to carry out military operations in the territorial waters of the Gaza Strip.
2. The Gaza Strip will be demilitarized of weapons whose existence are not in
accordance with existing agreements between the two sides.
3.Israel retains the basic right to self defense, including preemptive steps and
response, with the use of force, against threats emanating from this area.
B. Judea and Samaria
1. With the removal of the settlements in northern Samaria (Ganim, Kadim,
Homesh and Sanur) there will be no permanent Israeli military presence in the
area.
2. Israel retains the basic right to self defense, including preemptive steps and
response, with the use of force, against threats emanating from this area.
3. The existing security activity will continue in the remaining areas of Judea
and Samaria. However, if circumstances allow, Israel will consider reducing its
activity in Palestinian cities.
4. Israel will work towards reducing the number of checkpoints in Judea and
Samaria as a whole.
5. Military installations and infrastructure in the Gaza Strip and northern
Samaria
These will be dismantled, except for those that Israel decides to keep for
the decision of another body.
The nature of security assistance to the Palestinians
Israel agrees, following coordination, to allow security consultations, assistance
and training for the Palestinian security forces, for the purposes of fighting
terrorism and maintaining public order, to be given by American, British and
Egyptian authorities, or other experts, in accordance with agreements reached
with Israel. Israel stands firm on the principle that there will be no foreign
military presence in the Gaza Strip and/ or Judea and Samaria, without
coordination and without Israeli agreement.
6. The border area between the Gaza Strip and Egypt (The Philadelphia
Corridor)
In the first phase, Israel will continue to maintain a military presence along the
length of the border line between the Gaza Strip and Egypt (The Philadelphia
Corridor). This military presence is an essential security presence. In certain
areas, it may be necessary to physically enlarge the area in which military
operations are conducted. In the future, Israel will consider the possibility of
withdrawing from this area.
Any withdrawal from this area will be conditioned, amongst other things, on the
security reality and on the level of cooperation granted by Egypt in the creation
of a more trustworthy solution. If and when the conditions for a withdrawal of
this area arise, Israel will be ready to consider the possibility of the
establishment of a seaport and an airport in the Gaza Strip, in accordance with
agreements reached with Israel.
7. Israeli settlements
Israel will aim to maintain the assets of Israeli settlements. The transfer of
Israeli economic activities for use by Palestinians includes the possibility of
expanding Palestinian commercial activity. Israel suggests the establishment of
an international body (along the lines of the AHLC) which will be agreed upon
between Israel and the United States, that will take possession of the
settlements, take calculations and make assessments of their overall
commercial value. Israel retains the right to ask compensation to the value of all
the economic assets that remain in areas it withdraws from.
8. Infrastructure and civilian arrangements
The infrastructures of water, electricity, waste management and
communications serving the Palestinians will remain in place. Israel will work
towards leaving in place the similar infrastructures present in the Israeli
settlements it withdraws from. As a rule, Israel will allow the continuation of
the supply of water, electricity, gas and petrol to the Palestinians, in
accordance with existing agreements. The existing agreements, including water
and electro-magnetic fields, will remain in effect.
9. The activities of international civilian organizations
Israel sees positively the continued activities of international humanitarian
organizations working towards civil development, and who are assisting the
Palestinian population. Israel will coordinate with these humanitarian
organizations to assist their activities.
10. General arrangements
As a rule, the general arrangements currently in place between Israel and the
Palestinians will remain in effect. These arrangements include, amongst others:
A. The entrance of Palestinian laborers into Israel in accordance with existing
criteria.
B. The flow of goods between the Gaza Strip, Judea and Samaria, Israel and
overseas.
C. Monetary policy.
D. Taxation and customs arrangements.
E. Postal and communications arrangements.
In the long term, and in accordance with Israeli interests of increased
Palestinian economic independence, Israel aspires to diminish the number of
Palestinian laborers entering Israel. Israel will support the development of
commercial sources in the Gaza Strip and in Palestinian areas of Judea and
Samaria.
11. The Erez Industrial Zone
The Erez Industrial Zone, which exists inside the Gaza Strip, employs about 4,
000 Palestinian laborers. The continuing activity of this industrial zone is first
and foremost a clear and significant Palestinian interest. Israel will consider
maintaining the status quo of the industrial zone under two conditions:
A. The existence of suitable security arrangements.
B. A clear recognition by the international community that the continuing
operation of the industrial zone under its present conditions will not be viewed
as a continuation of Israeli control of the area.
Or, the industrial zone will be handed over to the responsibility of agreed
upon Palestinian or international authorities. Israel will consider, together with
Egypt, the possible of establishing a joint industrial zone on the border of the
Gaza Strip, Egypt and Israel.
12. International crossings
A. The international crossing between the Gaza Strip and Egypt:
1. The existing arrangements at the crossing will remain in place.
2. Israel is interested in moving the crossing to a "tri-border" point, about 2
kilometers from its current location. The process will be carried out with
Egyptian coordination. This will allow an increase in the hours of operation at
the crossing.
B. The international crossings between Judea and Samaria and Jordan; the
existing arrangements in place at the crossings will continue to be in place.
13. The Erez crossing
The Erez crossing will be moved into the territory of Israel at a timetable agreed
upon separately.
14. Timetable.
The process of withdrawal is planned to end at the end of 2005. Stages of
withdrawal and the detailed timetable will be brought to auspices of the United
States.
15. Conclusion
Israel expects wide international support for the disengagement process. This
support is crucial in order to bring the Palestinians to implement their
responsibilities in the areas of fighting terrorism and carrying out reforms
according to the road map peace plan. Only then can both sides return to the
path of negotiations.
Tekst van de brief van de Amerikaanse president George W.
Bush aan de Israelische premier Ariel Sharon over het terugtrekkings-
plan.
Geachte premier,
Wij verwelkomen het terugtrekkingsplan dat u heeft voorbereid, volgens welk
Israel bepaalde militaire installaties en alle nederzettingen zal terugtrekken uit
Gaza, en sommige militaire installaties en nederzettingen op de Westoever.
(...)
Ik wil u op een aantal punten geruststellen.
Ten eerste. De VS blijven gecommitteerd aan mijn visie en aan de uitvoering
ervan zoals beschreven in de routekaart. De VS zullen hun uiterste best doen te
voorkomen dat anderen zullen proberen enig ander plan op te leggen.
Volgens de routekaart moeten de Palestijnen onmiddellijk alle gewapende
activiteiten staken en alle daden van geweld tegen Israeli's waar dan ook, en
alle officiele Palestijnse instellingen moeten de opruiing tegen Israel staken.
De Palestijnse leiding moet daadkrachtig optreden tegen terreur. De
Palestijnse leiding moet een fundamentele politieke hervorming doorvoeren, met
een sterke parlementaire democratie en een krachtige minister-president.
Ten tweede. Er zal geen veiligheid zijn voor Israeli's of Palestijnen totdat zij en
alle staten, in de regio en daarbuiten, de handen ineenslaan om het terrorisme
te bestrijden en terroristische organisaties te ontmantelen.
De VS bevestigen hun standvastige steun voor Israels veiligheid,
inclusief veilige, verdedigbare grenzen, en om te zorgen dat Israel in staat blijft
zich te verdedigen, op eigen kracht, tegen welke dreiging of combinatie van
dreigingen dan ook.
Ten derde. Israel zal het recht behouden zich te verdedigen tegen terrorisme.
De VS zullen pogingen leiden, samen met Jordanie, Egypte en anderen in
de internationale gemeenschap, om de wil en capaciteiten van de Palestijnse
instellingen te versterken om het terrorisme te bestrijden, terroristische
organisaties te ontmantelen, en te voorkomen dat de gebieden waaruit Israel
zich terugtrekt een dreiging worden waartegen met andere middelen moet
worden opgetreden.
De VS zijn sterk gecommitteerd aan Israels veiligheid en welzijn als een joodse
staat. Het lijkt duidelijk dat een overeengekomen, rechtvaardig en realistisch
raamwerk voor een oplossing van het Palestijnse vluchtelingenvraagstuk als
onderdeel van een finale-statusovereenkomst gevonden zal moeten worden
door het vestigen van een Palestijnse staat, en het vestigen van Palestijnse
vluchtelingen daar, eerder dan in Israel.
Als onderdeel van een finale vredesregeling moet Israel veilige en erkende
grenzen hebben, voortkomend uit onderhandelingen tussen de partijen
overeenkomstig resoluties 242 en 338 van de VN-Veiligheidsraad.
In het licht van nieuwe realiteiten op de grond, inclusief reeds bestaande grote
Israelische bevolkingscentra, is het niet realistisch te verwachten dat de
uitkomst van de finale-statusonderhandelingen zal bestaan uit een volledige
terugkeer naar de bestandslijn van 1949.
Alle vorige pogingen om met onderhandelingen tot een
twee-statenoplossing te komen, hebben tot dezelfde conclusie geleid. Het is
realistisch te verwachten dat elke overeenkomst over de finale status alleen
bereikt kan worden op basis van tweezijdig erkende veranderingen die deze
realiteiten weerspiegelen.
